p 



p 




5' 

y 



F 685 
.524 
Copy 1 



SPEECH 



OF 



HON. WILLIAM R. SAPP, OF OHIO, 



AGAINST THE 



OUTRAGES IN KANSAS, 



ANB IN FAVOR OF 



FREEDOM AND FREMONT. 



DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES , JULY i3,, 1856. 



X"., 

A^*^' 



WASHINGTO-V: 

PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE, 

1856. 



n'ci 






THE SLAVEEY QUESTION. 



The House being in Committee of the Whole — 

Mr. SAPP said: 

Mr. Chairman: Standing here a representative 
in part ot' the great State of Ohio — the empire 
of that West over wliich the star of empire still 
shi)»es to guide movnig masses of emigrants — 
multitudes 

•' I^ikc to which the populous North, 
Poured never from her frozen loins, 
To cross thu llliiue or l>Hiiau" — 

and hearing the cherished principles of the peo- 
ple of that State constantly assailed by the other 
side of this House, I feel constrained to enter 
now upon the discharge of a duty which other 
pressures on my time have prevented me from 
performing hitherto. It seems to me, sir, that 
every representative of the free North should 
speak out at this time, however briefly, in order 
that a moral picture of the unanimity of senti- 
ment which beats in the northern heart may be 
reflected by her true representatives, and held 
up for exhibition to the world, that all may see 
and fully understfind that, in no idle spirit of 
threats and vaporing, but in all which evinces a 
quiet, firm, and settled purpose, the North has 
fully made up its mind that no more of our com- 
mon territory shall have imposed upon it the 
blighting institution of slavery — an institution 
■which Separates parent and child on the auction 
block; which shuts the gates of knowledge, and 
■which snatches from the weak all the hard-earned 
fruits of their toil; an institution which upholds 
an aristocracy founded on the humiliation of la- 
bor; an institution that has violated the compro- 
mise of lii2U, by which the Territory of Kansas j 
was consecrated to free labor forevi;r; an institu- 
tion tliat is the bane of our social condition, that 
has arrayed the South against the North, and 
exposed us to danger from abroad; an institution 
that has no sympathy with Democracy, but se- 
cures to the slaveholder political power, making 
one hundred slaves equal to sixty free white men; 
an institution that exhausts the soil, and that 
moistens it with blood and tears, and always 



wants to spread itself over new domain; an insti- 
tution that regards disunion as aniong the means 
of defense, and not always the last to be resorted 
to; an institution that usurped the name of De- 
mocracy and adopted none of its principles; an 
institution the extension of which has engaged 
Congress and the people for the last two years, 
while other matters of great interest and impor- 
tance to the general welfare have been almost to- 
tally neglected; an institution, in short, against 
which are arrayed the sympathies of the civilized 
world, and the hopes of our race. 

Mr. Chairman, it is useless for the Represent- 
atives from the South, and their echoes from the 
North, to clamor about agitation and sectional- 
ism — to charge upon us, the representatives of 
freedom, the productions of thebitterfruita which 
grew from the seed of their own planting. It is 
upon them that the responsibility rests for the 
present deplorable condition of things in this 
country. No sooner had the excitement which 
grew from the enactment of the compromise meas- 
ures of 1850 subsided, than something must be 
done to renew it. The President of the United 
States — a mere tool in the hands of the conspira- 
tors (I mean no disrespect to his high office) — 
in violation of his oft-repeated pledges, using all 
the appliances of power and patronage, repealed 
the solemn compact of 1820, unsobcited by the 
people — and launciied us into a sea of trouble 
from which the wisest pilots in the land have 
not yet discovered the means of escape. But, Mr. 
Chairman, it teaches us an important lesson, viz; 
that little men are dangerous in high places! It 
was hoped that everythhig would soon be moving 
on quietly, " keeping step to the music of the 
Union," when they, fearing it was only when a 
tempest raged that they could ride into power, 
sought for some new device to afford them the 
means of gratifying their grasping designs and 
extending the institution of slavery. Suddenly 
a new light burst upon them, 'i'he Missouri 
compromise, which had existed for thirty-four 
years, the consideration ibr which had been fully 
paid the South, but for which the North had real- 



A' I 



ized nothiii£^; which had, by the action of the 
aame men been indorsed by the embodiment of 
the jirinciples of it in the reaohitions aniiexins: 
Texas to the United States, and which they hail 
also endeavored to extend to the Pacific ocean; — 
this sacred measure, thus so often and so em- 
phatically indorsed by them, presenti'd ilself to 
iheir morbid minds as the material for agitation. 
Unconstitutional it was immediately proclaimed 
by the Little Giant from Illinois, who, with his 
eye upon the Presidency, cared not what conse- 
quences were involved in manufacturing notoriety 
which would give him claims to the support of 
the South. His unholy ambition thus made him 
the tool of that section to introduce slavery into 
ihis Territory, consecrated by that compromisi; 
to freedom, and brought forth the measure which 
destroyed that time-honored olive branch. And 
how was it passed, sir? In the Senate, where 
slavery holds the iron rod over the heads of its 
menials, it passed not without earnest and bitter 
resnonstrance, but at least in conformity with 
strict parliamentary order. In this body, all rules 
of order were violated by a northern doughface 
who sat in that chair presiding over the Commit- 
tee of the Whole, and who coolly made decisions 
to hasten the consummation of the iniquity. 
And, sir, this measure pa.ssed. The Missouri 
compromise was murdered at the hour of mid- 
night. The guns of the pro-slaveryites rejoiced 
at the foul work, and boomed forth from this 
capital their peals, which, resounding in the 
North, told its people that slavery had again 
triumphed. Campbell tells us that " Freedom 
shrieked when Kosciusko fell." So, sir, did free- 
dom shrink when tlie Kansas Nebraska iniquity 
was passed, and the cry went forth that mure free 
territory had been prostituted to slavery. And 
yet, Mr. Chairman, the men who committed this 
outrage clamor about agitation! I told them, 
with my humble voice, when they were march 
ing their forces to destroy the Missouri compro- 
mise, what the result would be. It was not 
necessary to be a prophet, or a son of a prophet, 
to foresee what was coming. How truthfully 
have the general anticipations I'ecn realized ! 
Charge us with agitation, sir ! The people will 
hold your misnamed Democratic party responsi- 
ble for it. When they elevated your nominee, 
Frajiklin Pierce, to the Presidency, the condition 
of the bond that secured his election was, that 
there should be no more agitation. Everything 
then was in a happy condition. The waters, 
which for some years had been rutlled by the 
storm of strife and excitement, had nearly been 
allayed, and it seemed as if the heyday of our 
national existence was fast approaching. Frank- 
lin Pierce was inaugurated. He immediately be- 
gan setting his wires for the succession. Political 
trickery was substituted for exalted statesman- 
ship. A kitchen cabinet, constituting a power 
behind the throne greater than the throne itself, 
was established. With a view to divert attention 
from domestic misrule, foreign wars were lightly 
threatened. Weak nations were bullied. Grey- 
town was destroyed. All the little tricks which 
the genius of the mere politician could devise, 
were concocted to promote the chances of the 



Executive for reelection. When the pinch came, 
in the issue with foreign nations, the white feather 
was shown. The Nebraska iniquity was con- 
cocted with the very assent and connivance of 
the Administration. Franklin Pierce bent the 
pliant hinges of his knee to the slave power, that 
thrift might follow fawning. The bill having 
passed and received his signature, it was still 
necessary to consummate the iniquity. Freedom's 
voice must be stifled in the selection of officers 
of the new Territory. It was found that they 
had been mistaken in Reeder and others of the 
appointees; they would not become in all respects 
the suppliant tools of .slavery. Pretexts for their 
removal were hatched up and carried out. Pro- 
slaveryites were appointed to succeed them. 
Armed Missourians controlled the ballot-boxes 
in the Territory, The President winks at it, 
to please the South. He sends in a pro-slavery 
annual message to Congress before this House 
was organized to receive it, for no other purpose 
than to produce an etfect upon some elections for 
delegates to the Cincinnati Convention, in certain 
southern States in which elections wore just then 
about being held. Shortly at'ter sends in another 
message to tickle the South, libeling the anti- 
slavery settlers in Kansas. He sends the mili- 
tary forces of the Government to Kansas to pre- 
vent the free exercise of sovereignty on the part 
of the free-State men of Kansas, and to enforce 
the execution of the so-called laws of Kansas, 
making every man kneel to the behests of slavery. 
Arrests for treason free-State men of Kansas wno 
had done no more than initiate a State organiza- 
tion, ft) be put into operation when the State 
should be admitted, recognizing freedom. Per- 
mits the corrupt judges of the United States 
courts in Kansas to remain in office, who smile 
at the murder of anti-slavery residents, and who 
oppress, by the power of the courts, every son 
of freedom on that soil. Fathers arc murdered, 
and their children and wives left orphans and 
v/idows. The soil of the Territory is drenched 
with blood thus ruthlessly shed. 'I'he bones of 
the victims lie bleaching un the plains, as an evi- 
dence of how men engaged in a peaceful liattlc for 
freedom are made victims to the insatiable appe- 
tites of the propagandists of slavery. ■ Tlie advo- 
cates of freedom are murdered for the exercise of 
the right of speech. The freedom of the press, 
guarantied by the Constitution, is subverted, and 
the contents of the printing offices thrown by 
ruthless mobs into the rivers; its conductors rode 
on rails; ministers of the Gospel tarred and feath- 
ered; lawyers, and other professional men of the 
free-State party, forced to flee the Territory for 
their lives. An officer of the Kansas committee, 
clothed witli the dignity of this House, arrested, 
and only given up at the pleasure of the pro- 
slavery partisans. Armed bodies of Missouri 
invaders preventing the peaceful settlement of * 
free-State emigrants on the lands. Test oaths, 
requiring obedience to unconstitutional laws, and 
forcing men to perjure their consciences, pre- 
scribed as necessary to entitle them to vote. Free- 
State men forced to yield uj) their arms, so neces- 
sary for their protection against all the perils 
incident to a home in a new country. The citi- 



zens of a neigliboring State controlling aflFairs in 
Kansas, and arresting such of the free-State men 
BS they cliooso on their goins: into or leaving the 
Territory. And, finally, robbing the mails, and 
violating private correspondence. It is for these 
crimes that we arraign Franklin Pierce, and his 
accessories before and after the facts, before that 
august tril)unal which holds its sittings in Novem- 
ber, and from which there is, happily, no appeal. 
We shall prove these crimes against you; judg- 
ment will be pronounced, and execution will 
follow. From this position you need not hope 
to escape. Your graves will be yet dug before 
the breath leaves your bodies. 

Mr. Chairman, the South is continually com- 
manding us not to agitate. It makes slave State 
after slave State, and when the North protests, 
it cries out, "Do not agitate!" It made, by a 
single actjOversixty-eight thousand square miles 
(Florida) of slave territory a State. At another, 
it made three hundred and twenty-five thousand 
square miles (Texas) of slave territory a State. 
The North murmurs; again the South cries, " Do 
not agitate!" Again and again has the North 
yielded. At last, gaining assurance from the fre- 
quent concessions of the North, the Missouri 
compromise is blotted out. The North protests 
solemnly and earnestly. The South again cries 
out, " Donotagitate!" The blood of our brethren 
cries to us from the ground; still the South cries, 
*' Do not agitate !" I tell you, Mr. Chairman, 
the time for silence and sulmiission has passed 
by. '* Are we to lie supinely on our backs, and 
hug the delusive phantom of hope until our ene- 
mies (the slave power) shall have bound us hand 
and foot?" No, sir, we will agitate, and not only 
agitate, but act, until Kansas is free, and until 
the Missouri compromise is in fact or in effect 
restored. You cannot put us to sleep that you 
may rob us of our rights. The time when it 
were possible to do it has passed by. Mr. 
Chairman, let us see what has been the effect of 
the repeal of the Missouri compromise. I have 
already stated it in general terms: let us come to 
the fact-s in detail. The Kansas and Nebraska 
bill passed. Immediately, that Territory, which 
had up to that time been as placid as the ocean 
in a calm, became as turbulent as the waters when 
agitated by a mighty storm. The people .were 
to meet peacefully at the polls, and by that mighty 
instriinii-nt — the ballot — the purity and integrity 
of whirh were the only shield to protect them — 
elect their local Legislature, and such other offi- 
cers as were left to their choice by the organicl 
law. The election takes place. Was it a fair con- 
test between conflicting opinions ? Did the fiona 
fide voters alone exercise suffrage in that.Terri- 
tory .' A few extracts from the report of the select 
committei', on the part of this House, which went 
to Kiinsii.s, will be sufficient in itself to answer 
that question, which I herewith submit: 

" In October, A. D. 18.54, Governor A. FI. Rcodcr and the 
othfir officers appointed by the President arrived in the Ter- 
ritory. ScUlers from all parts of the country wftre moving 
in in great nunibers, making their claims and building their 
cabins. .Vboui the same time, and before any election wa.s 
or could lie held in the Territory, a secret political society 
was (brniicl in the State of Missouri, (1.) It was known by 
different names, such as ' Social Band,' ' Friends' Society,' 



'Blue Lodge,' 'The Sons of the South.' Its members 
were bound together by secret oath-s, and they had pass- 
words, signs, ami grips, by which they were known to each 
other. Penalties were imposed for violating the rules and 
sc^crets of the order. Written minutes were kept of the 
proceedings of the lodges, and the ditlerent lodges were con- 
iiecti^d together by an etVective organization. It embraced 
great nunibers of the citizens of Missouri, and was ex- 
tended into other slave States and into the Territory. Its 
avowed purpose was not only to extend slavery into Kan- 
sas, but also into other territory of the United States, and 
to lorm a union of all the friends of that institution. Its 
plan of operating was to organize and send men to vote at 
the elertions in the Territory, to collect money to pay their 
expenses, and if necessary to protect them in voting. It 
also proposed to imiuce pro-slavery men to emigrate into 
the Territory, to aiH and sustain them wliile there, and to 
elect none to office but those friendly to their views. Tiiis 
dangerous society was controlled by men who avowed their 
purpose to extend slavery into the Territory at all hazards, 
and was altogether the most etfective instrument in organ- 
izing the subsequent armed invasions and forays. In its 
lodges in Missouri the atiairs of Kansas were discussed, the 
force necessary to control the election was divided into 
bands, and leaders selected, means were collected, and 
signs anil liad'4es were agreed upon. While the gnat body 
of the arlnal scuili'rs of the Territory were relying upon the 
rights secured to them by the organic law, and had formed 
uo organization oi combination whatever, even of a party 
character, this conspiracy against their rights was gathering 
strength in a neighboring State, and would have been suffi- 
cient at their first election to have overpowered them, if 
tliey had been united to a man. 

" Your committee had great difficulty in eliciting the 
proof of the details in regard to this secret society. One 
winiess, member of the Legislative Council, retuived tn 
answer questions in reference to it, (2.) Another deetined 
to answer fully, because to do so would result to his injury, 
(3.) Others could or would only answer as to the general 
purposes of the society, but sufficient is disclosed in the 
testimony to show the influence it liad in controlling tfie 
elections in the Territory." * * « * * 

" The testimony clearly shows, that before the proposi- 
tion to repeal the Missouri compromise was inlroduced 
into Congress, the people of Western Missouri appeared in- 
different to the prohibition of slavery into the Territory, 
and neither asked nor desired its repeal.'.' * * * 

" Election ok the Legislature. 

" Firs* District — March 30, 1855. — Laurence. The com- 
pany of persons who marched into this district collected in 
Ray, Howard, Carroll, Boone, La Fayette, Randolph, Sa- 
line, and Cass counties, in the State of Missouri." * * 
" The evening before, and the morning of the day of elec- 
tion, about one thousand men from the above counties 
arrived at Lawrence, and camped in a ravine a short dis- 
tance from town, near the place of voting." * * * 
" They were armed with guns, rifles, pistols, and bowie- 
knives, and had tents, music and flags with them, (•23.) They 
brought with them two pieces of artillery, (24,) lo.aded with 
musket balls, (25.)" ******* 
" The evening before the election, while in camp, the 
Missourians were called together at the tent of Captain 
Claiborne F. Jackson, and speeches wr.re made to them by 
Colonel Young and others, calling for volunteers to go to 
other districts where there were not Missourians enough to 
control the election, and there were more at Lawrence 
than \yere needed there, (27.) Many volunteered to go; 
and tlie morning of the election several companies, from 
one hundred ajid fifty to two hundred men each, went ofT 
toTceumseh, Hickory Point, IMoomingtoii, and other places 
(28.) *********** 

"Uefore the voting had commenced, the Missourians said, 
if the .judges appointed by the Governor did not receive 
their votes, they would choose other judges, (47.) .*!ome 
of them voted several times, changing their hats or coats, 
and coming up to the window again." * * * * 
" The whole number of names appearing upon the poll list* 
is 1,0.34. After lull examination, we are satisfied that not 
over two hundred and thirty-two of these were legal voters, 
and eight liundrcil and two wore iion re^ill( nt and illegal 
voters. This district is strongly in favor of miiking Kansas 
a free State, and there is no doubt that the free-Slate can- 
didates for the Legislature would have been elected by 
large majorities, if none but the actual settlers liad voted. 



6 



" Second Diatrirt — Bloomimiton. — On the morniii? of 
election, the judccs appointed by tlie GoviTnor appeared 
and opened tlie pull-. Tlie Missoiiriaiis be^an to oonie in 
early on the ninrniii!.', some five liundred or six hundred of 
the ii, in wajons an(i carriaires, and on liorsebaek, under 
ihe lead of Samuel J. Jones, then postmaster at Westport, 
Missouri, Claiborne F. Jackson, and INIr. Steely, of Ijide- 
dcndence, Missouri. 'J'hey were armed with double bar- 
reled puns. riHes, bowie knives, and pistols, and had flajjs 
hoisted, (66.)" * » ■ * * * * 

"In pursuance of Jackson's request, they tied white 
tape or ribbons In their buttonholes, so as to distinciilsh 
them from the 'Abolitionists,' (T.iA They airain demanded 
Uiat the judges shoulil resiau, and upon their refusing to do 
so, .smashed in the window, sash and all, and presented 
their pistols and !tuns to them, tlireatenjii'; to shoot tliem, 
(74.) Some one on the outside cried out to them not lo shoot, 
jis there were pro-slavery men iti the room with the 
judges, (75.) They then put a pry under the corner of the 
liouscwhicli was a I02 house, and lifted it up a few inches, 
and let it fall asaln, (76,) but desisted upon bein<.' told there 
were pro slavery men in the hf)use. During this time the 
orowd repeatedly demanded to be allowed to vote without 
being sworn; and Mr. Ellison, one of the judges, expressed 
himself willing, but the other two judges refused, (77^) 
thereupon a tiody of men, head<'d by ' SherifT Jones,' 
rushed into the judges' room with cocked pi-tols and drawn 
kouie knives in their hands, and approached Bnr.son and 
Eain,-ay,(78.) Jones pulled out his watch at)d said he would 
give them five minutes to resign in, or die, (79.) When the 
five minutes had expired, and the judges iH^ nuA resign, 
Jones said he would give them another minute and no 
more, (80.) Ellison told his associates that If they tjid not 
resign, there would he one hundred sholsfired intothe room 
in less than fiiteen minutes, (81 ;) and then snatching up 
the ballot box ran out into the crowd, holdingup Ihe ballot 
bo.x and hurraing for Missouri, (83.) About this time Rurson 
and Uamsay were called out by their friends, and not suf- 
fered to nanrn, (8S.) They then chose two new judges, 
and proceeded with the election, (92.) 

"They also threatened to kill the judges if they did not 
receive their votes without swearing them, or else resign, 
(9i2.) Tliey said no man should vote who would submit to 
be sworn — that they would kill any one who would offer to 
do .so — ' shoot him,' ' cut his guts out,' &c, (9U.) They .said 
no man should vote this day unless he voted an open ticket, 
and was ' all right on the goost;,' (94.) 

"The citizens of the Territory were not armed, except 
those who took part in the inoh, (104,) and a large portion 
of them did not vote, (105;) three hundred and forty-one 
votes were polled there that day, of which hut some thirty 
were citizens, (106.") ****«■* 

" We are satisfied from the testimony that, had the ac- 
tual settlers alone voted, the free- State caiuiidates would 
have been elected by a handsome majority." * * 

" TIdrd District— Teciimseh.—0» the 28'tl) of March, per- 
sons from Clay, Jackson, and Howard counties, Missouri, 
began to come into Tecumseh, in wagons, carriages, and 
on horseback, armed with guns, bowie knives, and revolv- 
ers; and with threats ; and encamped close by the town, 
and continued camping until the day of election, (110.) The 
niglit befori! the elecijon tv\ o hundred men were sent for 
from the camp of Missoiirians at Lawrence, (11 1.) On the 
moriiing of ihe election, before the polls were opened, some 
three or four hundred Missourians and others were col- 
lected In the yard about the house of Thomas Stinson, 
wliere Ihe election was to be held, armed with bowie- 
knives, revolvers, and dubs, (113.) They said they came 
to vote, and whip the damned Yankees, and would vote 
without being sworn, (113.)" ***** 

"'J'he judges e(uild not agree concerning the oath to be 
taken by themselves, and tlie oath to be administered to 
the vofirs, Mr. linrgess di'slriiig to adiiiinh-ter the oath pre- 
scribed by tli:' Governor, and the otlirT two judges opposing 
il, (MS.) nuriiig this discussion between the judges, which 
lasted some time, the crowd outside became excited and 
noisy, ibnatening and cursing Mr. Hurgess, the lice State 
judge, (1 17.) Per.sons were sent at diirerent times by the 
crowd outside into the room where the judges were, with 
threatening messages, especially against Mr. Fiurgess, and 
at last ten minutes were given them to organize in, or leave ; 
and as tbe time passed, persons outside would call out the 
nuniber of minutes left, with thretits against I'.iirgcss if he 
did not agree to organize, (118.) At the end of that time, 
the judges not being able to organize, left the room, and 
the crowd proceeded lo elect nine judges, and carry ou the 



election, (119.) The free-State men generally left the 
ground without voting, stating that there was 'no trse m 
their voting there." ***** " A large 
majority, four to one, of the .letual settlers of thai district 
were free-State men, (1:11) ; and there cannot be the least 
doubt that if none but the actual settlers oi the di- triet had 
voted at that election, the free- State candidate ivnnhl have 
been elected. The number of legal votes in llie district, 
according to the census returns, was one hundred ami one. 
The total inimber of votes cast was three hundred and 
sev(;nty-two, and of these but thirty two are on the ret inns ; 
and, from the testimony and records, we are saii ficd that 
not over forty legal votes wt-rf cast at thai election. A body 
of armed Miss<mrians came into the dislrlet previ(jus to 
the election, and encamped there, (125.) Before tin- time 
arrived for opening the polls, the Mlssourlans went to an- 
other than the town appointed for the election ; and one of 
the jiulges appointed by the Governor, and two chosen by 
the Missoiirians, proceeded to open the polls and carry on 
the election, (12o.) The Missourians said none but pro- 
slavery men slionld vote, and threatened lo shoot any i'rec- 
State man who should come up to vr)te, (127)." * • 

'■•Fowtti. Distrirt. — The free-State men, finding the polls 
under tlie eoiilrol of non residents, refused to, and did not, 
vote, (KiO.) They eon.-tituted a decided majority O' the 
actual settlers, (131.) A petition, signed by ii inajoiiiyof 
tile residents of llie district, was sent to the Governor, (132.) 
The whole number of voters in this distiiet, aeeonling to 
the census returns, was forty -seven; the number of votes 
cast was eighty, of whom but fifteen were resideiits ; the 
number of residents whose names are on the cciisu-rolls, 
wlio did not vote, was thirty-two. 

'■' Fifth DUtrict. — For some days prior to the election, 
companies of men were organizrd in Jackson, (^ass, and 
(May counties, Missouri, for the purpose of ccmiiiig to the 
Territory ami voting in this fifth distriei, (IM;^) The day 
previous to the cleeticm, some four hundred or five hundred 
Mis?onriaus, armed with guns, pistol.-, and knives, came 
into the Territory and camped, some at Bull Creek, and 
others at Poiawatamie Creek, (13). ) Their camps were 
about sixteen miles apart. On the evening before the elec- 
tion. Judge Hamilton, of the Cass county court, Missouri, 
came from tlie I'otawatainle Creek camp to Bull ( Veek for 
sixty more Missjourians, as they had not enough tliere to 
render the election certain, and about that mnnbir went 
down there with him, (13.').) On the evening before the 
election, Ur. B. C. Westfall was electi d toact as one of the 
judges of election in the Bull Creek pn ciiiet, in place of 
one of the judges appointed by the Governor, who. it was 
said, would not be there the next day, (136.) Dr. AVestfall 
was at that time a citizen of Jackson county, Mi.ssimri, 
(137.) On the morning of the election, the pdlls for BuH 
(.-"reek precinct were opened, and, without swearing the 
judges, they proceeded to receive the votes of all who 
offered to vote. For the sake of aiipearanee, would get 
some one to come to the window and offer to vote, and 
when asked to be sworn he would pretend to grow angry 
at the judges, and would go away, and his nam'' would be 
put down as having offered to vote, hut ' rejected, refusing 
to be sworn.' This arrangement was madc^ prrvl<iu.-ly,and 
perfectly understood by tlie judges, (138.) But few of the 
residents of the district were present at the election, and 
only tlMrteen voted, (139.) The number ol votes cast in the 
precinct was three hundred and ninety tliiee. 

" One Missourlan voted for himself, and then voted for his 
little son, but ten or eleven years old, (140.) Clolonel CofTer, 
Henry Younger, and Mr. Lykins, who Were voted lor and 
elected to the Ijegislature, were residents of !MI>souii at 
the time, (141.) Colonel Coffer subsi'quently married in the 
Territory. After the polls were closed the ri'tiirns were 
made, and a man, claiming lo he a magistrate, ceriilied ob 
thein that he had sworn the judges of eleetbm be'ore open- 
ing the polls, (142.) In tlie t'otawataniie precinct Ihe Mis- 
sourians attended the election, aiid_ after threatening Mr. 
Chesnnt, the only judge present appointed by the Governor, 
to Induce him to resign, they proceedeil lo elect two other 
judges -one a Missourjan and the other a resldinl ot' an- 
other piecinet of that district. The polls were then op 'ncd, 
and all the Missourians were allowed to vote without being 
sworn." ****** * 

" Colonel Young, a citizen of Missouri, but a candidate for 
and elected to the Territorial Legislative Council, was pre- 
sent anil voted In the precinct. He claimed that all Missoii- 
rians who were present on the day of election were enti- 
i tied to vote. Bui thirly or forty of the citizens of the pre- 
cinct were present, and many of Iheni did not vote, (145.) 



At the LittJi' Su2!ir precinct, the election seemed to have 
been conducted t'uiily, and there a free-State majority was 
polled, (146.) From the testimony, the whole district ap- 
pears lo have heeii 'largely Tree State, and hiid none but 
actual settlers voted, the I'ree State eaiididate.s would have 
been elected liy a larj^e majority. From a carelul oxamiiia- 
tioii of the testijnony and the records, we find liiat from 
two hundred to two iiundred and twenty-five legal voles 
were polled, out of eiylii hundred and ei^ihty eight, the 
tot;U number given in the pri;cincts of the fii'th district. 
Of the lej;al votes east, the free-Slate ■candidates- received 
one hundred and tit'tv-one." ***** 

" Sixtk Disliict—Fort Sco'i. — A company of citir.ojis from 
Missouri, mostly I'roni Hales county, came into this district 
the day belbre the election, some camping, and others put- 
Xing up at the public house, (147.) They numbered from 
one hundred to two hundred, (14S,) and came in wagons 
and on horseback, carrying their provisions and U'lits with 
tliem, and Were generally armed Willi pistols. They de- 
clared their purpose lo vote, and clainn^d the right to do so." 
» * « '• No one was challenged or sworn, and all voted 
who desired to. Out of three Iiundred and liiiy votes cast, 
not over one hundred were legal, and but sixty- lour of tlio;e 
named in the census taken one month beliire by Mr. Barber, 
the candidate for the Council, voted.-' * * * * 

" ScreiUli IJhtiict. — From two to three hundred men from 
llie Slate of Missouri came in wagons or on horseback ti) 
tlie election ground at Switzer's Creek, in the sivenlh dis- 
trict, and encamped near the polls on the day preceding 
the election. They were armed with pistols and other 
weapons, ai\d declared their purppse lo vote, in order to 
secure the el, rtion ofpro slavery members." * * * 
"The census list shows lift}' three legal voters in the district. 
Two hundred and til'ly-tluee votes wi;re cast; of these, 
twenty-five were residents; seventeen of whom were in the 
district when the census was taken, (150.) Some of the 
residents present at the polls did not vote, declaring it use- 
less. Candidates declined to run on the IVee Slate ticket, 
because they were unwilling to run the risk of so unequal 
a contest, it being known Uiat a great many were coming 
from Missouri to vote, (151.) Nearly all the settlers were 
free-State men ; and twenty-three out of the twenty-five 
legal votes given were cast for the (mly free-Slate candidate 
running. Mobiller McGee, who was declared elected repre- 
sentative, had a claim — a saw-mill and a house in the Ter- 
ritory—and he was there part of the time. Hut his legal 
residence is now, and was then, near VVeslport,in Missouri, 
where he owns and conducts a valuable farm, and where 
his family reside s. 

" Eiihtk District. — Tills was attached to the seventh dis- 
trict for a member of the council and a representative, and 
its vote was controlled by the illeeal vote cast then. The 
census shows thirty -nine votes in it — thirty-seven votes 
were cast, of whom a majority voted the free-State ticket." 

" Tenth District. — This and the eighth election district 
formed one representative district, and was the only one to 
which the inv.Tsion iVom Missouri did notextend." * * * 

'• Eleventh District. — Your committee were unable to pro- 
cure witnesses from this district. Persons who were 
present at the election were <luly sunimone<l by an officer, 
and among Iheiu was F. J. Marshall, the member of the 
House from that district. On his return, the officer was 
arrested and detained, and persons bearing the names of 
some of th(! witnesses summoned were stopped near Le- 
compton, and did not appear before the committee. The 
returns show thai, in (h'liance of the; (Governor's proclama- 
tion, tlie voting was vica voce, instead of by ballot. Three 
hundred and twenty-eight names appear upon the poll- 
books, as voting; and by comparing these names with tliose 
on the census rolls, we find that but seven of the latter 
voted. The p.-«rson voted for .as reprcsenlalive, F. J. Mar- 
shall, was chielowner of the store at Marysvilie, and wns 
there sonieiimes, (l.")(),) but his family lived in Weston. 
John Donald-on, the candidate voted for for the Council, 
tlien lived in Jackson county. Missouri, (1.57.) 

" On the day after the election, Mr. Alarshall, with twenty 
five or thirty ineii from Weston, Missouri, was on tho way 
from Marysvilie to the Stale. Some of the party told a 
witness who had formerly resided at Weston, that they 
were up at Marysvilie, and carried the day for Missouri, 
and that they had voii'd about one hundred and fifty voles. 
Mr. Marshall paid llie bill at that point for Ihe party. 

" There does not appear lo have been any emigration into 
that district in March, 1855, after the census was taken; 
and judging from the best test in the power of your commit- 
tee, ilier.' were but seven legal votes cast in the district, and 
three huinln-d and twenty-one illegal." * * * 

" Thirteenth District. — Previous to the day of election. 



several hundreds of Rrissourians from Platte, ("lay, Boone, 
Clinton, and Howard counties came into the district in 
wagons and on horseback, and camped there, (1.58.) They 
wiMv armed with guns, revolvers, and bowie knives, and 
had badges of hemp in their button holes and elsewhere 
about their persons, (1.59.) 'J'hey claimed to have a right to. 
vote,t'roni the fact that they were there on the ground, and 
had, or intended to make, claims in the Territory, allhoi>gh 
their families were in Missouri, (160.) 

" The judges appoiiiieil by the Governor opened the polls, 
and some persons ofi'ered to vote; and when their voles 
were rejected on the ground that they were not residents of 
the district, the crowd threatened to tear the house doWH 
if tliejudgesdid nolleave, (161. The jud«esthen withdrew, 
taking the poll-books with them, (162.) The rrowd then 
proceeded to select other persons to act as judges, and tlie 
eleelion went on, (163.)" * * * « 

'• ]iut few of the residents were present and voted, (165,) 
and the free-State men as a general thing did not vote 
(166.)" •■ ♦ * * * "The number of 

legal voters in this district was ninety-six, of whom a 
majority were frec-Stiite men. Of tlieSe — voted. Th« 
total number of voles cast was two hundred and sisty- 
niiic." 

" Fourteenth district— Burr Oak frecinct — Several hun- 
dred Missourians from Buchanan, Platte, and Andrew 
counties, Missouri, inclndhig a great many of the promi- 
nent citizens of St. Joseph, came into this precinct the 
day before, and on the day of election, in wagons, and on 
horse, and encamped there, (171.) Arrangements were 
made for them to cross the ferry at St. Joseph free of ex- 
pense lo themselves, (172.) They were armed with bowie- 
knives and pistols, guns and rifles, (173.) On the morninj 
of the election, the free Slate candiilates resisned in a 
body, on account of the presence of the large iinmbi'r of 
armed Missourians, at which the crowd cheen d and hur- 
rahed, (174.) General B. F. Stringlellow was present, and 
was prominent in promoting the election of the pro .slavery 
ticker, as was also the Hon. Willard P. Hall, and others of 
the most prruninent citizens of St. Joseph, Missouri, (175.) 
But one of the judges of election, appointed by the Govern- 
or, served on that day, and the crowd chose two olherB 
to supply the vacancies, (170.)" * * * " The free- 
Slate men generally did not vote, (183.)" * * * 

" Donijihun precinct. — The evening before the election, 
some two hundred or more Missourians from Platte, Buch- 
anan, Saline, and Clay counties, Missouri, came into this 
precinct, Willi tents, music, wagons, and provisions, and 
armed with guns, rifles, pistols, and bowie-knives, and en- 
camped about two miles from the place of voting, (188.) 
They said they came to vote to make Kansas a slave 
State, and intended to return to Missouri after they had 
voted, (189.) 

" On the morning of the election the judges appointed by 
the Governor would not serve, and others were appointed 
by the crowd, (190.) The Missourians were allowed to vote 
without being sworn(191)— some of them voting as many 
as eight or nine times ; changing their hats and coats and 
giving in difi'erent names each time, (192.) After they 
had voted they returned to Missouri, (193.) The free Slate 
men generally did not vote, (194,) though constituting a ma- 
jority in the precinct, (195.) Upon counting the ballots in 
the box and the names on the [Kill list, it was found that 
there were loo many ballots, (196.) and <me of the judges 
of election took out ballots enough lo make the two num- 
bers correspond, (197.)" ****** 

" JVolf River Frecinct— ?,M few Missourians were pres- 
ent in tliis precinct, though some of them threatened one 
of the judges, because he refused to receive their voles; and 
when he resigned, another was chosen in his place who 
consented to receive their votes, (198.) 

"Protests were drawn up against the electicms in the 
various precincts in the fourleenlh district, but on account 
of threats that greater numbers of Missourians would be at 
a new election should it lie called, and of personal violence 
to those who should take part in the protest, it was not 
presented to the Governor, (199.) Major Richardson, the 
pro-slavery candidate for council, threatened Dr. Culler, 
the free-State candidate, that if he contested the election 
he and his office should be put in the Missouri river, (2110.) 

"The number of votes in the district by the census was 
334 ; of these, 124 voted. The testimony shows that quite 
a number of persons whose legal resilience was in the pop- 
ulous county of Buchanan, Missouri, on the opposite side 
of the river, had claims in Ihe Territory. Some ranaed 
cattle, and others marked out their claim and built a cabin, 
and sold this incipient title where they could. Tliey were 
not residents of the Territory in any just or h'gal sense. A 
number of settlers moved into the district in tlie month ol 



8 



March. Vour committee are satisfied, after a careful anal- 
ysis of the records and testimony, that the number of legal 
votescast did not e.'.cecd two hundred— out of seven hun- 
dred and twenty seven. ****** 

"Fifleetith £>istricl.— The e\ectianiu this district was held 
in the house ot' a Mr. Hayes. Ou the day of election a 
crowd of from four hundred and eighty to five hundred men 
(201) collected around the polls, of which tin; great body 
were citizens of Missouri." * * * " The free State 
men did not vote, although they believed their numbers to 
be equal to the pro-slavery settlers, and some claimed that 
they had the majority. They were deterred by threats 
throughout by the Missourians. before and on the day of 
election, from putting up candidates, and no candidates 
■were run, for this reason: that there was a credited rumor, 
previously, that the Missourians would control the election. 
The free-Stale judge was threatened with expulsion from 
the polls, and a young man thrust a pistol into the window 
through which the votes were received. The whole num- 
ber of votes cast was four hundred and seventeen. Of the 
names on the poll book but sixty-two arc in the census 
rolls; and the te'stimony shows that a small portion, esti- 
mated by one witness at one quarter of the legal voters, 
Toted. Your committee estimate the number of legal 
▼oters at eighty. One of the judges referred to certified to 
the Governor that the election was fairly conducted. It 
was not contested, because no one would take the respons- 
ibility of doing it, as it was not considered safe ; and that 
if another election was had, the residents would fare no 
better. 

'• Sixteenth Di'Strid. — For some time previous to the elec- 
tion, meetings were held, and arrangements made, in Mis-, 
eouri, to get up companies to come over to the Territory, 
and vote (205;) and the day before, and on the day of elec- 
tion, large bodies of Missourians from Platte, Clay, Ray, 
Chariton, Carrol, Clinton, and Saline counties, Missouri, 
came into this district, and camped there, (906.) They 
were anned with pistols and bowie-knives, and some with 
puns and rifles, (207 ;) and had badges of hemp in their 
button-holes, and elsewhere about their persons, (208.) 

" On the morning of the election there were from one 
thousand to one thousand four hundred persons present on 
the ground, (209.) Previous to the election, Missourians 
endeavored to persuade the two free-State judges to resign 
by making threats of personal violence to them, (210.) one 
of whom resigned on the morning of election; and the 



crowd chose another to fill his place, (211.) But one oi 
the judges— the free-State judge — would take the oath pre- 
scribed by the Governor ; the other two deciding that they 
had no right to swear any one who offered to vote, but that 
all on the ground were entitled to vote, (212.) The only 
votes refused were some Delaware Indians, some thirty 
Wyandot Indians being allowed to vote, (213.) The free- 
State men generally did not vote at that election, (219.) and 
no newly-arrived eastern emigrants were there, (2^0.)" * 
' * * * " The whole number of voters in the 
district, according to the census returns, was three hundred 
and eighty-five ; and, according to a voy carefully-pre- 
pared list of voters — prepared for the pro-slavery candi- 
dates, and other pro-siavery men, a few days previous to 
the election — there were three hundred and five voters in 
the district, including those who had claims, but did not 
live on them. (223.) The whole naniber of votes cast was 
nine hundred and sixty- four; of those named in the census, 
one hundred and six voted. Your committee, upon careful 
examination, are satisfied that there were not over one 
hundred and fifty legal votes cast, leaving eight hundred 
and fourteen illegal votes." ***** 

" Eighteenth, District. — Previous to the election. General 
David K. Atchison, o\' Platte City, Missouri, got up a com- 
pany of Missourians, and passing through Weston, Mis- 
souri, (223,) went over to the Territory. He remained all 

night at the house of , and then exhibited his arms, of 

wliich he had an abundance. He proceeded to the Nemo- 
haer (eighteenth) district, (924.) On his way, he and big 
party attended a nominating convention in the fourteenth 
district, and propositi and caused to be nominated a setof 
candidates in opposition to the wishes of the pro-slavery 
residents of the district, (225.) At that convention he said 
that there were eleven hundred men coming over from 
Platte county, and if that wasn't enough they could send 
five thousand more ; that they came to vote, and would 
vote or kill every G — d d — d Abolitionist in the Teni- 
tory, (226.) 

" On the day of election, the Missourians un(Jer Atchi- 
son, who wtre encamped there, came up to the polls in the 
eighteenth district, taking the oath that they were residents 
of' the district. The Missourians were all armed with 
pistols or bowie-knives, and said there were sixty in their 
company, (227.) But seventeen votes given on that day, 
were given by residents of the district, (228.) The whole 
number of votes was sixty-two." * * * 





Mstract of Census, and Returns of Election of 


March 30, 


1855, 


)y Election Distncts. 






Place of voting. 


i 

o 

> 

a 
> 
a 

1 


1 
a 

m 

V 

fa 


c 

i 
u 


1 


1 
1 

c 

o 

2 
o 


f 
cm 

o 
■3 



Census. 


Council. 


House. 


o 

o 

6 


1^ 
If 

6 >- 


i 

2 

> 

"5 

d 



•c 

•5 



c 
Z 


S 

s 


d 


-3 
"c 
d 


1 
1 
d 


1 




781 

318 

366 

78 

377 

199 

74 

34 

315 

211 

17 

23 

27 

2 

328 

4 

12 

233 

313 

.57 

2.56 

412 

899 

43 

48 


2.53 
12 
4 
2 
9 
65 
17 
70 
35 
23 
17 
52 
42 
21 

19 
6 
30 
15 
2 

60 
16 
14 


11 

2 

7 
3 

2 

3 
6 

48 
5 
5 


1,034 

341 

372 

80 

386 

264 

98 

104 

3.50 

234 

37 

75 

69 

23 

328 

11 

33 

239 

346 

78 

306 

417 

964 

59 

62 


232 
30 
32 
15 
13 
75 
32 
104 
100 
25 
37 
75 
48 
23 
7 
11 
33 
12 

200 

30 

150 

59 

17 


802 
316 
338 

65 
380 
191 

59 

250 
209 

21 
321 

230 
530 

337 

814 

45 


962 
519 
2.52 

177 

1,407 

810 
118 
83 
86 
151 

36 

144 

284 

1,167 

373 

1,183 

150 

99 


369 
199 
101 
47 

442 

253 
58 
39 
36 
63 

24 

78 
96 

334 

208 
385 
50 
28 


1 
2 
3 
1 

4 

5 
3 
3 

6 

10 
8 
9 

10 
1 

10 
7 
7 
8 
9 

10 
1 
7 


2 
1 
1 

2 
1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 


9 
3 

4 

1 

7 

6 

5 
5 

8 
8 
8 
9 
9 

1^ 
11 
11 
12 
Kt 
14 


3 
2 

} i 

1 

2 
2 
2 
3 


2 




3 




4 






f Bull Creek 









' Bi" Su"ar Creek 






fi 




7 


I<aac B. Titus 


8 




9 




10 
11 


( Bi" Blue 


) K(K-k Creek 

iAlarysville 






13 








14 


} Wolf Creek 






15 


Haye-i 


16 




17 




18 






Total 




5,427 


791 


92 


6,320 


1,310 


4,908 


8,501 


2,892 


. 


13 


- 


26 











9 



Mstract of Poll-Books of October 1, 1855. 



Counties. 


Townships. 


Votes for J. 
W. Whitfield. 


Scattering. 


Total votes 
cast. . 


Number of 
legal votes. 


No. of ille- 
gal votes. 






7 

131 

242 

4 

29 

8 

42 

31 

66 

59 

53 

86 

42 

101 

103 

15 

42 

190 

42 

239 

1.50 

212 

246 

220 

67 

"•71 
6 
28 
23 
52 
14 


4 

4 

_ 

3 
1 




219 

2)2 

■I 

29 

14 

251 

3:^3 
15 

45 
190 

895 

220 

67 

171 
6 

28 

14 


50 
4 
29 
12 
41 
31 
62 
59 
53 
23 
42 

.53 
15 

90 

70 

24 
6 
28 
23 
52 
14 


192 

1 
4 

63 

50 

lOO 

« 

.50 
100 

1.50 

147 

- 


























(■ Burr Oak 




Iowa 
















, T^awrence 






Franklin 


1^ Willow Springs 














Leavenworllv. 


1 Delaware 




1 Leavenworth 


Lykiiis 




Lynn 






(See Wise county.) 


Marshall 






Riley 




Shawnee 


< One Iltindred and Ten 


Wise 








Total 


2,721 


17 


2,817 


781 


857 







Mstract of the Election on 


the Adoption of the State Constitution, 


December 15, 1855 




•c 


Precincts. 


Constitution. Gener.il banking law. 


Exclusion of negroes 
and niulattoes. 


Number 

of votes 

cast. 


(5 


Yes. 


No. j Yes. 


No. 


Yes. 


No. 






348 
72 
11 
48 

137 
18 

i:» 
42 
24 
35 
72 
21 
18 
12 
39 
42 
32 
56 

;i9 

30 
21 
20 
14 
19 
45 
54 
22 
23 
12 
28 
20 
47 
19 

24 
15 
:i2 
71 

7 


1 
2 
1 
4 

7 
2 

3 
18 

1 
5 

o 


225 
59 

9 
31 
123 
13 
125 
41 
22 
23 
39 
16 

5 

6 
21 
33 

4 
33 
32 
23 
16 

17 
15 
19 
5 
7 
1 
8 
7 
37 

3 
11 

4 
32 
53 

3 


83 

14 

3 

15 

11 

4 

9 

1 

2 

11 

33 

12 

16 

6 

19 

13 

33 

20 

7 

6 

5 

20 

14 

1 

29 

34 

14 

16 

11 

20 

13 

6 

18 

4 

12 

9 

1 

19 


133 
48 
12 
48 
113 
14 
69 
42 
2r3 
35 
69 
23 
20 
12 
25 
42 
32 
38 
25 
10 
20 
20 
14 

7 
40 
50 
21 
22 
12 
28 
16 
45 
19 

6 
18 
14 
30 
71 

1 


223 
20 

•2 

15 

4 

64 

2 

3 

7 

18 
2 

17 

15 

19 

1 

11 
3 
1 

4 

1 

6 

1 

2 


356 
76 
12 
53 

137 
18 

136 
42 
24 
35 
72 
31 
21 
12 
43 
60 
37 
59 
44 
31 
21 
20 
14 
19 
45 
54 
22 
23 
12 
28 
20 
47 
19 
7 
24 
15 
33 
73 
7 




J Blanton 


1 














[ Kast rjoii»las 




r'I'dpika 






3 




4 


^'ricuinsch 




f Little Osase 

liiu Suijar 

1 \rOv|,o 


5 






Little Siiiiar 










7 


) .Iniiiaia 

( Ohio Uitv 






b 


1 St. Mary's 






9 


S I'aunee 

\ (j'ra»lioppcr Falls 


10 


i Doiiiplian 

\ iiurrOak 

he>se Padur's 

C ( )ecna '. 


11 






( Pleas. Ill Hill 


13 


' lii(li;iliiil:i 




( Wliitlitid 




J Wdli' iiivcr 


14 




15 




16 




17 






Total 




1,731 


46 


1,120 


564 


1,287 


453 


1,778 







10 



Abstract of tlie election of A. H. Reeder, 9tli 
October, 1855: 

List. Vo'ing Place. No. rote!). Dist. Voting Place. No. vole'. 

1 — liJiwrt'iice 557 9 — Pawnee 76 

Jilantoii 77 10— lii;; Blue 77 

I'aliiiym 16 Rofk Creek 30 

2— IJlcMimiiigtoii 116 11— I'.lack Vermilion.... 14 

Biiiieia 27 19- -Si. Mary's 19 

3— Rrownsville 21 Silver Lake 28 

T"I"ka 131 13— Pleasant Hill 4:i 

Teenmseh ;n Falls I'rccinet 45 

r.ii: Springs X) Hickory I'oint H 

Cnnip Creek 7 M— Hiirr Oiik 33 

4— \Vill(uv Springs M Ucmipliaii 43 

5— Hampden 33 Palermo 32 

Neoslii) 16 15— Oeena .32 

S?tanlon 44 Crosby's Store 39 

Osawattamie 74 Jaekson Crane's 30 

Potawarnmie .56 16— I.eavenwortli 503 

IliK Suirar Creek 28 \V\an(l(it 3.-i 

Little Sugar Creek.. 41 D.jaware 22 

6 — SeoM Town 27 Ka-.ton 63 

••"iuinlii 20 KidgePoint 48 

^ Ferjna's li 17— VVakaru-a 7 

. — (nil ,.i| City 62 Mission 13 

8— WanliiMHa 2S 18— Iowa Point . 40 

.A.. I. Haker 16 

Total 2816 

" Your eomuiittee report the following facts and conclu- 
sions as estahlished liy Ilie testimony : 

"First : That each eleeiion in the Territory, held niider 
tlie organic or alleged territorial laiv, has l)eeii carrii'd hy 
organized invasions Crom the State of Missouri, ;)y wliieii 
the p 'ople o(" the Territory have been prevented from ex- 
ercising the riglits secured to them by the organic law. 

"S&vjn.f; That the all.'grd 'I'crritorial L.'gislatiire was 
an illegally eon>titiiled body, and liad no power to pass 
valid laws ; and their enactments are, therefore, null and 
void. 

"Tliird : That these alleged laws have not, as a general 
tiling, been used to protect pi-rsons and property and to 
punish wrong, hut for nnlawliil purposes. 

" Fourlh: 'i'ha! the eleeiion under which the sitting Dele- 
gate, John W. VVhitfielil. holds his seat, was not held in 
pursuance of any va';d law, and that it sliould be regarded 
only as the expivsMi n ot' the clioice of those resident citi- 
zens who voted lor liiin. 

" Fiflh : That the election under which the contesting 
Delegate. Andrew II. Reeder. claims his seat, was not held 
ih pur.-uanee of law, and ihai it should he regarded only as 
tlie e.vpres^ion of the choice of the resident citizens who 
voted I'or him. 

" Sii-lh: That Andrew II. Reedi-r received a greater nnm 
ber of votes of resident citizens than John VV. Wliittield, 
for Delegate. 

<' SerciiM ; That in the present condition of the Territory 
a fair eli.'etioiicaniiot be held without a new census, a strin- 
gent and well guarded <'I<'ction law, the selection of impar- 
tial judges, and the presence of United States troops at 
every place of election. 

" Ei-ihtk: That the various elections held by ttie people 
of the Territory preliminary to the Ibrmution oV the State 
governni'-nt have been as regiilaras the disturbed condition 
of the Territory would allow; and that the e(nistitutioii 
passed hy the convention, held in pursuance of said elec- 
tions, einbodies tlie will of a majority of the people. 

"As it is not the province of your comniitiee to suggest 
remedies for the evistiiig trouhh-s in the Territory of Kan 
aas. thi'v content themselves with the foregoing statement 
of lacK. 

" All of which is respectfully submitted. 

" \VM. A. HOWARD, 
"JOHNSHIMiMAN." 

Tlip.se facts, sir, derived by the high authority 
of iliif^ Flouse, from witnesse.s under the solem- 
nity of an oath, afford a strikin"; commentary 
upon the patriotic clamor with which tlio country 
•was filled by thi; advocates of the Kansas-Ne- 
braska bill. They, sir, show up squatter sover- 
eignty in its true light. They show that the 
unscrupulous slave power, win n unrestricted by 
positive prohibition, will force slavery into any 
Territory, even thotigh it be into the ice-bound 
regions of the north. They have a union in their 



action v/hich stops at nothing, legal or illegal, 
whether it be the enforcement of mob law, ''the 
intimidation of voters by threats, the marching 
of armies of outlaws from neishborinij slave 
States to seize the ballot-box at the bayonet's 
point, and to place in power citizens of slave 
Smtes, having no residence in the Territory. 
Noihiiig, sir, is too wicked for them to practice to 
enable them to plant the black flair of slavery on 
free territory. Gradually and carefully, under 
the disguise of the Constitution, they remove 
every barrier to their progress, no matter how 
sacred its standing; and atonce,when they obtain 
possession of the outposts, they rusli down with 
immeasurable strength upon the sons of freedom, 
outvote them, and obtain every advantage neces- 
sary to eslablisli slavery. Devastation and ruin 
follow their footsteps. Kansas, which to-day 
would have been a proud irae State had it been 
left alone, is one scene of carnage and bloodshed, 
presenting an appearance more like France dur- 
ing the (Jays of the French Revolution, when 
innocent -women and children were murdered to 
satiate the appetite of an infuriated mob. The 
extracts from the evidence I have read show the 
means which were used by the invaders to carry 
Tlie election in Kansas wliich resulted in the choice 
of the first Territorial Legislature. They estab- 
lish the fact that that first Legislature had no legal 
existence. The source from which itd<'rived its 
power was corrupt. The Legislature ii.self was 
the illegitimate offspring of an illegitimate parent. 
How dare it, then, sit in the high places made for 
the people, and usurp their authority .' Its acts 
amount to nothing, and would hold "good in no 
court of impartial justice. The elecuon of Mr. 
J. W. Whitfield, deriving its authority from such 
a body, is null and void. 

But, iVIr. Chairman, let me read you some of 
the laws which this Legislature assumed to make: 

•Pftge 147: 

" Si;c. 2. Every person who may be sentenced by any 
court of competent jurisdiction, under any law in force 
within this Territory, to punishment by conliiUMiient and 
hard labor, gliall be deemed a convict, and . Iiall, imme- 
diately, under the charge of the keeper of sucii jail or pub- 
lic prison, or under the charge of such person as the keeper 
of sueii jail or public prison may select, be put to hard 
labor, as in the tirst section of this act specitii il, [to wit, 
'on the streets, roads, public buildings, or other public 
works of the Territory' — Sec. 1, puge 145;] and sncli keeper 
or other person, having charge of such convict, shall cause 
such convict, wliile engaged at such labor, to be securely 
confined by a chain six feet in length, of not less than four 
si.xteeiiths nor more than three eighths of an inch links, 
with a round ball of iron, of not li'ss than tour nor more 
than si.\ inches in diameter, attached, which (••lain shall be 
securely fastened to the ankle of such coi.vici with a strong 
lock and key ; and such keeper or other (lerson having 
charge of sucli convict may, if necessary, cimfine such 
convict while so engaged at liaid labor, by other cliains, 
or other means, in his discretion, so as 10 keep .such convict 
secure and prevent his escape; and when there shall be 
two or more convicts under the charge of such keeper, or 
other person, such convicts shall be la-teiied together by 
strong chains, with strong locks and keys, dnring the time 
such cimvicts shall be engaged in hard labor without the 
walls of any jail or prison. 

"Sec. 3. .Whenever any convict shall be employed at 
labor for any incinporate town or city, or any county, such 
town, city, or county, shall pay into the territorial treasury 
the sum of fifty cents for e.acli convict, for every day such 
convict shall ne engaged at such liilior ; and wliciiever such 
convict shall lie employed upon p.ivaie hiring at labor, it 
shall be at such price each, per d:iy, as may be agreed upon 
with such keeper or other person having charge of such: 
and the proceeds of said lalior Shall be collected by such 
keeper and put into the tentorial treasury.'' 



11 



Page 252: 

"Sec. -27. Ifany slave shall commit petit larceny, or shall 
steal any neat cattle, sheep or hog, or be auillv ol'anv niis- 
denieaiior, or .itlier ollense punisliable under the provisions 
of this ail only hy fine or imprisonment in a county jail, or 
by both ^nch fine and imprisonment, he shall, instead of 
sucli pnni^li,nent,.bc pui.isli.-d, if a male, by stripes on his 
bare baci; not e.xce(;ilin^' tliirtv nine, or if a' female, by im- 
prisonment 111 a county jail not exceedin-; twenty-one days 
or by stripes not exceeding tu-eiity one, at the discretion" of 
til e justice." 

Page 282: 

« Sec. 11. Every free white male citizen of the [Jnited 
tatates, and every Irec male Indian who is made a citizen 
by treaty or otherwise, and over the asc of twenty one years 
who shall be an inhabitant of this Territory, and of the 
coniily or district in wliidi he oflersto vote, and shall have 
paid a terntonal tax, shall !„■ a qualilicd elector for all 
elective otheers; and all Indians wlioaie inhaliil;ints of this 
lerritoiy, and who may have adopted the customs of the 
white man, and who are liable to pav taxes, shall he deemed 
citizens : Prud.leJ, That no soldier, seaman or marine in 
the regular Army or Navy of the United States, shall be en- 
titled to vote, by reason of bcin;; on service ther-in : ^iirf 
Itroruled/urliier, That no person who shall have been con- 
victed oi any vnnation ol' any provision of an act of Coii- 
gTe:~> entitled, 'An act respecting fugitives from justice, 
and persons escapina from the service of their masters 'an- 
proved iM-bruary 12, 1793; or of an act to amend and sup- 
plemenlary to said act, approved IStli September, 18,50: 
whether such conviction were by criminal p.raeeediii"or by 
civil action tor the recovery of anv penalty prescribed b"y 
either ot said acts, in any courts of the United States or oY 
aiiyfetate or Territory, of any ofieiise deemed infaimms, 
shall be entitled to vote at any election, or to hold anvoffiee 
in this Territory: ^Ind pronM further, Thai if anv per- I 
son oflerin- to vote shall be challenicd wid nMiuired to take | 
an oath or affirniarion, to be adinini.-tered by one of the ' 
judges ot the election, that he will sustain the provisions of 
the above recited acts of Conaress, and of the act entitled ' 
'An act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Ivan-as ' 
approved May 30, 18.-,4, and shall refuse to take such oatii 
or^atfirmation. the vote of such person shall he rejected. 

bEc. 1-2. Every person possessingjhe (|ualilication of 
a \oter, as hereinlielor,. prescribed, and who shall have re- 
sided in this Territory thirty days prior to the election at 
which he may ofler himself as a candidate, shall be eli'-ible 
as a Delegate to the lIouseofRepresentativesof the United 
btates, to either branch of the Legislative Assembly, and 
to all other offices in this Territory, not otherwise especially 
provided ior: Pr.-,ri,le<l, hovever. That each member of the 
Legislative Assemlily, and every officer elected or appointed 
o office under the laws of this Territory, shall, in addition 
to t he oath or affirmation specially provided to be taken tiv 
such otlieer, take an oath or affirmation to support the Cni{- 
stitu ion 01 the I nited Stales, the provision of an act enti- 
tled All act rerpecting fugitives from justice and persons 
escapina Irom the service of their masters,' approved Feb 
ruary 12, 1,93, and of an act to amend and supiilementary 
to said last mentioned act, approved September 18. IS")!)- 
and ot an act entitled ' An act to oraanize the Territories 
ot Nebraska and Kansas,' approved May 30, 1854." 
Page 283: 

"Sec. 19. Whenever any person shall offer a vote, be 
ihalMie presumed to he entitled to vote. 

" Skc. 20. Whenever any person offers to vote, his vote 
may be challenged by one of the judges, or by any voter 
and the judges of the election may examine him touchin" 
his right to vote; and if so examined, no evidence to con- 
tradict shall be received." 

Page 345: ' 

" Sec. 8. No nearoor mulatto, held as a slave within this 
lernrory, or lawfully arrested as a fnaitive from service 
froin another Slate or Territory, shall be discharged, nor 
shall his right of treedom be had under the provL-ions of 
Inis act.'' I 

Page 378: ! 

.•."P;*^," '^' ^" per-:"" who is conscientiously opposed to 
S|ie holding OI slav^,orwlio does not admit'the rialit to 
hold .Maves 111 this Territory, shall be a juror in any cause 
in which the riahl to hold anv p-rson in slavery is inVolvrd 
lior III any can e in which any injury done to, orconimisted 

if^ w;^i^^- 'r '" ";^"''' '""■ '" ="i.v criminal proceeding for 
the violation ot any law enacted for the protection of slave 
property, and lor the punishment of crime committed against 
tiie right to such property." l 



Page 438: 

isi'i'ni^nr'.Vi/" "^';'"^ elected or appointed under any ex- 
sting or subse.iuently enacted laws of this Territory, shall 
taKe and subscribe the folfowing oath or office: 'I 
rod" r.T'i*' -'m''"' "P'"' ""■ '""'> I>="'!-"l..-ts of Xlmighty' 
Go , that will support the (;,.n-titmi,.,i of the United 

of ^.cr;. ,';',' i T<'V"''f'"''' "...l-ustaiu the provisions 
Ne ,:k ■ H ' ' '\? '""} ? «'S'""'-e the Territories of 
riM :d^',„ ■^''"^"^,"a"d Ilicprovisionsof the law of the 
Un ted .states commonly known as the « fii'irive ^lav ■ I iw " 
and (aithtullyand impartially, ami to the 1 c of mvabi Ity 
demean myse , in the discharge of my duties in the office 
<" ; so In-lp me God.' " 

Page 604: 

i^jspfi^n"; L "^ »»y free person, by speaking or bv writing, 

I i,v,'"m"''"''''P"'"''"" ''■•"''• '""tl'f "gl'ti" iK'lii 

torv n i'!. ,'.^,1 I'-'T'""-^' "' •'.'''"' '"t""'"'-" i"l'> 'I'i^ Terri- 

dm- J i , '. ' ' '' "•'■'"'' '""■<•""■"'■. '»• <■ '" ^ to be iiitro- 

,',i, 1 '" "'" ^''"'^'"y-r a".v hook, paper, maaazine, 
n , ,; "'fii^'lar, containing any d. eial ol the right of 
p.iM.iis to hold slaves in this Territory, ueh p.r.sons .hall 
,t i,-^!ilZ'>! "'I-"*' "'"'■'^'""y, and punished by impri-onment 
at haid labor lor a term of not less than two y-ars. 
' . *F,''' '■='">' person shall entice. decoy,"or carry awav 
Tnten ,n", '■■"'■'"T^' '"'^' "'"'" "'clonging ,o another, with 
intent to depriv the ower thereof of tb.; M^rvices of hicTi 

su''c'[r'sl',V'"l" ''i"'nS'° 'f'"' "■■ ''""^"^'- '"« '"■•"'""'" Of 
such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of arand larceny, 

pri.soned at bard labor for not less than ten jears 

^EC. 5. If any person shall aid or assi'st in enticine. 
decoyina, or persuading, or carrying away, or sending out 

,nnrtT"''""";J"'' '''!'''' ?»'-l""g"'g w another, with intent 
o proeuie or .."liect the treedom of such slave, or with 
intent to deprive the owner thereof of the services of such 
slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of arand larceny, and, 

at hard labor for not less than ten years." 
Page 005: 

"Sec. 11. If any person print, write, introduce into, 
publish, or circulate, or cause to be brou"!it into, printed 
written, published, or circulated, or shall knowingly aid or 
assist 111 briiieing into, printing, publi-r,ing. or ci?culating, 
within th;s Territory, any book, paper, pamphlet, magl- 

i zine, handbill, or circular, containina any stat-m. nts 

I arguments, opinions, sentiment, doctrine, advice, or innu- 
endo, calculated to produce a disorderly, daiigernus, or re- 
bellious disaflection among the slav.;s' in this Territory, 

I or to induce such slaves to escape from the service of their 
masters, or lo resist their authority, he shall be guilty of 
telony, and be punished by imprisonment and hard labor 
(or a term not less than five years. 

I '■' Sec. 12. If any free person, by speaking or by writing, 

^ assert or maintain that p.-rsons have not the riglit to hold 
slaves 111 this Territory, or shall introduce into tuis Territo- 

I r>''P''!".''P"hl"'h, write, circulate, or cause to be inti-odiiced 

' " ?,.• ;^^ erritory, written, printed, published, or circulated 
in this Territory, any book, paper,niaaazii.e. pnn.nhlei, or 
circular, eoiitainina any demal of the riaht of persons to 
hold slaves in this Territory, such persons shall be deemed 

I guilty of telony, and punished by imprisonment at hard la- 

j bor tor a term ol not less than two years. 

"Sec. J3. No person who is eonsci >iitiouslv opposed to 
holding slaves, or who does not admit the i-ialit to h.dd 

I .slaves m this Territory, shall sit as a juror on the trill of 
any prosecution for any violation of aiiy of the s( ciious of 

] this act." 

j Mr. Chairman, do southern getitlemen think 
that the people of the North will remain quiet 
and see their brothers and their fatliors persecuted 
by these inhuman laws .'— htw.s preventing the . 
peaceful discu.ssion of the slavery question—, 
laws conceived in fraud, and bro^'ight and er)- 
forced in iniquity— laws that are cikiul'Ii to make 

the blocjd of every freeman curdle in liis veins 

laws disqualifying anii-slavery men from sitting 
on juries, compelling them to take detestable 
oaths before they can vote.? The.cjc are the laws 
under which freemen of the Norili are mobbed, 
murdered, and pc'rsecuted, their properly de- 
stroyed, their printing-presses thrown iii the 
river, their liouses sacked and pillaged, them- 



i 



12 



selves arrcsti'd and shut up in prison, or guarded 
on the open plains by inhuman wretches. 

Mr. Chairman, is tlure any man on this floor 
who po.ssesses tlie political or professional hard- 
iliood to defend these laws — these pretended 
laws — of Kansas Territory ? I should like to see 
that man, Mr. Chairman, with the laws of Kan- 
sas in one hand, the Constitution of the United 
States in the other, endeavoring to reconcile the 
two. 

These laws, sir, are fit to have emanated from 
some barbarous king. They are too tyrannical, 
oppressive, and infamous, to mention, much less 
to be defended. They were made to prevent a 
fair trial of the issue lietween freedom and slavery 
in Kansas. They were made to drive out of, 
and keep away from, Kansas, free men, that 
slavery might have everything its own way. 
They, sir, assumed slavery to exist there; settled 
the question at once against freedom by violence 
and fraud. That is the object, sir. And are the 
sons of the North, who go to Kansas, to regard 
these laws, which violate one of the provisions 
of the Kan.sas liill, put on it to sugar the dose, 
which was — "that the true intent and meaning 
of the bill was not to legislate slavery into the 
Territory?" Are we to be told, sir, that wc are 
traitors, because we say that these laws, uncon- 
stitutional as they are, should not be regarded ? 
Is every system of outrage to be visited upon 
our friends in Kansas because they protest 
against these laws.' I tell you, sir, that our rev- 
olutionary fathers had not half the reason for 
rebelling against the British Government, as 
have the free-State men in Kansas for rebelling 
against that of the slave power. In the courts 
they have no remedy. The courts are the will- 
ing tools of the same oppressive power. Slavery 
dictates the edicts of the courts. These, sir, are 
a part only of the series of infamies which have 
been used to oppress freedom, and which the 
people of the country will, as sure as the sun 
rises in the east, condemn in November next. 

Mr. Chairman, it is in vain that gentlemen 
on the other side of the House endeavor to palli-j 
ate the consequences resulting from their viola- 
tion of plighted faith, by the assertion that the 
Missouri compromise was unconstitutional, and 
that by its repeal you established squatter sov- 
ereignty. It is a miserable delusion you are 
attempting to palm off upon the people. You 
stultify the intellects of the best men from the 
South who voted for the compromise, by making 
such an allesation. They were as capable of 
judging what was constitutional as the would-be 
bright, shining lights in the political horizon of 
the presentday. If they were, then, by declaring 
this act unconstitutional, you fix upon their 
memories the stigma of violating the Constitution 
for the purpose of gaining temporary advantage. 
I, sir, will never calumniate tiie memories of the 
giant dead who represented the South in that day, 
by even supposing such a thing. I glory in the 
recollection of their brilliant statesmanship as 
much as any man upon this floor. Let, then, 
this imputation ufion their integrity come from 
their own sons, and not t'rom a represenative of 
the North. 

It was not because the South believed this 
Missouri compromise was unconstitutional, that 
they repealed it. No, it was because they wanted 



; to extend slavery. That was their object. They 
were willing to forget the memories of their great 
statesmen who voted for it; to forget the sacred 
obligations of the com|)act; to take the price 
which was to defray their share of the consider- 
ation; and then, before the North had received 
any part of her share, to violate? their honor by 
repealing it — all for the purpose of making free 
territory slave soil. 

Mr. Chairman, I will not argue the constitu- 
tional jiower to })rohibit slavery in the Territo- 
ries. The Constitution says that " Congress 
shall have power to dispose of and make all need- 
ful rules and regulations respecting the terri- 
tory or other property belonging to the United 
States." Congress exercised this power in en- 
acting the ordinance of 1787. The power to dis- 
pose of is the highest power known. It carries 
within its immense scope all minor relative pow- 
ers. The extract from the Constitution which 
I have read, the exercise of autlnn-ity under it for 
sixty years by the fathers of the Republic to pro- 
mote freedom, is sufficient to satisfy the dullest 
intellect that slavery can be prohibited by Con- 
gress. But, sir, as I said before, the repeal of 
the Missouri compromise was not induced by 
the idea of its unconstitutionality. The kxten- 
siON OF SLAVERY was THE OBJECT. It aloue was 
the incentive. 

The contest between freedom and slavery has 
now approached a crisis. It is useless to talk to 
me about having a fair fight in the Territories 
between the North and South, and that, in the 
absence of positive prohibition, the North will 
win. You need not tell me of the great emigrat- 
ing spirit of the sons of the North, so much more 
active and quick in moving than those of the 
South. I am proud to believe that, in that energy 
and industry which is so necessary to induce the 
population of a newcountry to hewdown mighty 
forests and build up proud States, the hardy sons 
of the North have far the advantage of the men 
of the South. But of what use is that energy.' 
Where are the results to be derived from it, if it 
is met by the competitionof the gigantic interests 
of slavery, an interest which has ju'ostituted to 
its purposes the whole influence of the Federal 
Government, which controls the a))pointment of 
territorial oflicers, which masters the territorial 
courts, which can order out the military arm of 
the Government to protect it in the prosecution 
of its infamous purposes, which can march a 
phalanx of foreign invadi;rs from their slave 
States to outvote tlie sons of freedom, bona fide 
residents on the soil, drive them from the polls 
by superior force, and which can control their 
movements, allowing them only to travel about 
with passes signed by some of thein — passi's such 
as they give to their slavi'S in the Soutli .' Energy 
and enterprise are palsied when brought into con- 
tact with an institution sucii as that, l-'ositivc 
prohibition is what is necessary. That alone 
will keep free territory free. Positive prohibi- 
tion is what made Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Mich- 
igan, Wisconsin, and Iowa free. Will you, learn- 
ing from the lessonsof the pa.sl, permit yourselves 
to be deluded with the idea, that freedon will re- 
sult from non-intervention by Congress, squatter 
sovereignty, and the host of relative humbugs 
like unto those.' No; the men of the North must 
shake off the shackles which have too long bound 



13 



them to that spirit of pandering to slavery prac- 
ticed by the old parties. It is only by the triumph 
of the ilepulilican party that free soil will remain 
free-soil. Place the administration in the hands] 
of the friends of freedom, and the potent lever so j 
lon<^ wielded by the South, Federal patronage to 
prostrate freedom, will be wrested from their 

hands. , , , 

Mr. Chairman, the South cannot blame the 
North for desiring to see new-born States free. 
They themselves, around their own firesides, 
deprecate the existence of slavery. In Ken- 
tucky, previous to the formation of their last con- 
stitution, many of the prominent candidates for 
the convention avowed themselves emancipation- 
ists. Their own great Clay, whose memory 
occupies a high jilace in the hearts of the Amer- 
ican people, was an emancipationist. He thought 
that slavery was a curse to any Territory; and 
in the Senate of the United States, on this very 
point, he used the following emphatic language: 

<''l repeat it, sir, I never can, and never will, and no 
earthly iiower will make inu vote, direcUy or indirectly, lo 
spread slaverv over the Territory where it does not exist. 
Never while reason has a seat in my brain !— never, while 
ray heart sends tlie vital fluid tl|rough ray veuis— never !" 



Virginia, thirty-four years ago, that ancient 
commonwealth, was agitated from each of its 
extreme boundaries to its center, on the subject 
of the policy of the State with reference to slavery. 
I speak the truth of history when I say that her 
most di-stinguishcd statesmen who were in the 
Legislature ui that day were prominent and zeal- 
ous advocates of emancipation. From these facts, 
I judge that those men of the South saw that it 
was slavery tiiat retarded the progress of their 
commonwealths, and like men, for the benefit of 
future ages, they avowed themselves emancipa- 
tionists. ° They saw that slavery was a disad- 
vantage instead of a bk-ssing. Why, then, gen- 
tlemen of the South, do you ask us to spread this 
blighting institution ? Why denounce us for advo- 
catlnsrtbe same views which you, in yourdiscus- 
sions^^of Stat<- pohey, around your own firesides, 
shut out from the penetration of the northern ear, 
honestly entertain and boldly express .' We seek 
but to p'revent Kansas from being cursed with the 
same infliction which you would gladly, years 
ago, have rid yourselves of. Therefore it is 
that we wish that Territory to take her rank 
amongst the free States of this Confederacy. 

How can you, gentlemen of the South, under- 
standing, as you well do, the ruinous effects of 
the institution of slavery, wish to extend the po- 
litical Irprosy ? In Bancroft's Miscellanies, pub- , 
lished by the Harpers, the blighting eifect of i 
slavery upon the Roman Empire is depicted. He j 
says that " slavery threw the power and lands of j 
the Stales into the hands of a few, it crushed the 1 
free middling classes." * * * " The code j 
of slavery like unto that of our southern States, 
exceptthat in Romethe slave could beinstructed." [ 
* * " It prepared the way for the further i 
debasement of Rome by introducing an extrava-', 
gant luxury, and everywhere degraded public j 
morals by violating^ the sanctity of marriage. 
Chastity amongst the young men of the upper 1 
classes became almost unknown. With the 
chattel bondage, terrible vices and terrible dis- 
eases set in over the whole of society. At length 
despotism and submission to foreign authority was j 
the natural course to a society so rotten and dis- , 



eased." * * "The land of Italy, as begins 
now to be seen in Virginia and other of the south- 
ern States of America, was exhausted by slavery. " 

* * " The fields of the Campiigna were 
once rich as the lands on the slopes of the Alle- 
ghanies, or in the Kentucky prairie bottoms." 

* * * " But the wasteful system of 
cultivation by bondsmen first turned them from 
fertile green fields to pastures, and left them as 
they are now, solitary and miasmatic claims, 
where hardly man candwell." " Ilisacalumny," 
says Mr. Bancroft, "to charge the devastation 
of Italy upon the barbarians. The large Roman 
plantations tilled by slaves' labor were its ruin. 
Slavery had etfected the decline of the Roman 
people, and had wasted the land before a Scyth- 
ian or a Scandinavian had crossed the Alps." 
" Slavery," continued Mr. Bancroft, "had de- 
stroyed the Democracy, had destroyed the aris- 
tocracy; had destroyed the Empire; and at last it 
left the traces of its ruinous power deeply fur- 
rowed on the face of nature itself." 

This, gentlemen, is the experience of an em- 
pire where slavery has had its way. It is not the 
lesson of theory, but that of experience, speak- 
ing volumes against the institution which blighted 
Rome. Ye men of the South, read in this the 
history of your own future, unless you rid your- 
selves of this nuisance! Ye men of the North, 
read in it a lesson of warning, teaching you to 
let no more of our Territory be prostituted to the 
augmentation of an institution which but touches 
to destroy, and leaves the signs of its path in the 
ruins which follow it. 

Mr. Chairman, why should the South object 
to the State of Kansas being free ? Out of the 
Louisiana Territory, of which it forms a part, 
three slave States, (Louisiana, Missouri, and Ark- 
ansas,) embracing an area of one hundred and 
fifty -eight thousand five hundred and seventy- 
four square miles, adding six Senators to the 
strength of the South in the Senate, and thirteen 
Representatives to its strength in this House, 
have been made, and not one free State has been 
carved out of it. Is this what you call justice 
to the North, to purchase territory at the cost 
of $23,000,000 out of the common Treasury, 
merely for the purpose of adding to the con- 
gressional strength of the slave power.' Well, 
sir, what has the North gained by other pur- 
chases of territory.' Florida, embracing an area 
of fifty-nine thousand two hundred and sixty - 
eight square miles, was purchased at a cost 
which the war and incidental exjienses made 
5118,430,000— and what for, sir? To make a 
slave State out of her; to give the South two 
more Senators in the Senate, and one more Rep- 
resentative in this House. 

Again, sir, we annexed Texas, involving us in 
a war with Mexico, and other expenditures, 
amounting in the aggregate to §273,000,000; and 
what, sir, has been done with that Territory, over 
three hundred and twenty-five thousand square 
miles in area.' Why, sir, it has been laid at the 
feet of the , slave power, and has given it two 
Senators and two Representatives. 

And, Mr. Chairman, if we look, we will find 
out of an immense surface of new territory, cost- 
ing this Government near five hundred and thirty 
mfllions of dollars, five slave States have been 
admitted, with a senatorial and representative 
strength and area as follows: 



14 



states. 



1. Louisiana 4l,;i46 

2. Missduri 6.'>,037 

?. Arkuiisa-: 53.191 

4. 'Florida .59,-if)S 

5. Texas 31") yOQ 

5 Slave States 54;i,:i69 



Square Miles. Senators. Representatives. 



And has the Nortli got anything for all this ex- 
penditure of bh)od and treasure ? Nominally she 
has, sir, but in reality not4iing. She has Cali- 
fornia as a free State, but her congressional rep- 
resentation is always pro-slavery; so that the 
North has not got one iota of jiolitical strength out 
of all this territory. The South has gained every- 
thing—the North nothing. 

Let us look at the relative strength of the two 
sections in Congress. 

There are six'teen free States, having a white 
population of 13,600,000. 

There are fifteen slave States, having a white 
population of G,200,000. 

In the Senate, the slave States have thirty Sen- 
ators, only two less than the North, which has 
over twice as much white population. 

In the House, the slave States have ninety Rep- 
resentatives. Supposing the white pojiulation 
was the basis of representation, the North ought 
to have, according to that ratio, one hundred and 
ninety-seven Representatives. Instead of that, 
she has but one hundred and forty-two Represent- 
atives in this body, fifty-five less than she ought 
to have. And how, sir, is this? Because the 
Constitution wrongly gives any man in the South 
•who has one thousand slaves as much political 
power as six hundred white men in the North — 
the South being entitled to a representation for 
her slaves of three fifths of their number. Thus 
it is that, by the very organic law of the country, 
the North is oppressed; and because we want to 
use every lawful means to add to the area of free- 
dom, and relieve ourselves of oppression, that 
we are called sectionalists, and everything else in 
the vocabulary of the slave power and the dialect 
of their northern doughface allies. 

I have said, Mr. Chairman, that the white 
population of the South is about six millions two 
hundred thousand, and yet out of this there are 
but three hundred and forty-six thousand slave- 
holders; so that near six millions of that popu- 
lation do not have a direct interest in slavery. Is 
there any better evidence of the power ol' the 
slaveholding aristocracy? Over five millions of 
white population bend their knees at the Baal of 
slavery— ay, sir, controlled by three hundred and 
forty thousand slaveholders ! If, sir, it can now 
wield that influence, what will it not do if you I 
increase the means of exercise? I 

Mr. Chairman, the men from the North who 
oppose the onward march of slavery are desig- 1 
nated by their opponents with all' manner of 
names— Black Republicans, Woolly-heads, Nlo-- 
ger-worshipers. Abolitionists, Free-Soilers, Lib- 
erty-men, &c., d-c. Sir, these designations are 
applied in a spirit of opprobrium. I say to those 
who use the terms, such designations do not of- 
fend us. If love of freedom gives title to those 
appellations, then lam either one of them, or all 
of them, as you may please to call me. And no 
matter what name you apply to those sons of the 
North who wish rather to see the constitution 
of each new State lighted by the rays of freedom 
jhan darkened by the curse of slavery, the spirit 



of freedom will stand forth in bold relief exhibit- 
ing an incentive for their action which will entitle 
iJhe wm-ld '''^^^''^ ^^''^ right-thinking men of 
I Sir, these terms come with ill grace from those 
I men who hold in bondage human flesh and blood 
, —men who traffic in slaves, l-'or myself, let me 
be called anything rather than a negro driver 
negro trader, negro auctioneer, negro buyer, or 
negro seller: ^ ' 

" I would not have a slave to till my ground 
to carry inc, to fun nie wIkmi I sleep 
And tremble when I wakt', lor all the wealth 
i hat smews bought and solU-have ever earned." 

Mr. Chairman, I am in favor of admittine 
Kansas under the Topeka constitution. I believe 
that peace can only be restored by admiltinn-'her 
with her free constitution. It is useless to°say 
that that constitution was irregularly framed. It 
was an emanation from an outraged people, who 
oppressed by the existing government, and sub- 
jected to the many injuries and indignities which 
jl have enumerated, convened to frame a State 
j govermnent, to relieve them of theiroppressions, 
and afford them that protection which the terri- 
[ tonal government did not. Nor need you uro-e 
I that the whole people of Kansas did not "take part 
I in initiating this new government. If th^y did not, 
It was their fault. It is sufficient for me'to ki;ow 
I that a majority of the people took part in it, and 
I sanctionedthe constitution it adopted. Nor need 
j you tell me that Kansas has not a sufficient pop- 
jUlation. It IS sufficient in accordance with the 
! oft-repeated precedent. The population of Louis- 
iana was but thirty-four thousand when she 
I became a State. Indiana had but twenty-three 
j thousand eight hundred and ninety when she 
was admitted; Mississippi twenty-ei^it thou- 
sand; Arkansas twenty-five thousand'six hun- 
dred and seventy-one; Michigan thirty-one thou- ' 
sand; and Florida twenty-seven thousand nine 
hundred and forty-three. Those are the prece- 
dents. But the argument of want of population 
IS neutralized by the action of the slave-power 
Itself, in passing in the Senate Judge Douglas's 
{atuis Mr. Toombs's) bill. This bill waives the 
objection to population. I consider, therefore, 
that objection answered. As to this bill of the 
Senate, conceived by Toombs, and reported by 
Douglas, I am opposed to it. It makes the Pres- 
ident of the United States the arbiter of its des- 
I times. That is enough for me. The conduct of 
{ President Pierce, already in reference to Kansas, 
I Settles the fact that the North can have no justice 
I at his hands. I would not speak of that high 
I officer disrespectfully, but he knows, and we 
; know, whose hands are wet iVith the blood of the 
I murdered in Kan.sas. Pro-slavery officials would 
[ be appointed to subserve the slave power in mak- 
ing the new State, and under that bill Kansas 
would be irretrievably lost to freedom. " Fear 
the Greeks when they bring you presents, "is the 
English of an old Latin adage, and is an appro- 
priate application to the smooth-tongued con- 
cessions which the votaries of slavery pretend 
they make to freedom in that bill. 

Mr. Chairman, the North has but one course 
to pursue in the next j)residential contest, and 
that is to vote the Rej)ublican ticket. The Dem- 
ocratic platform is weighed down with its pro- 
slavery provisions. It indorses the adminis- 
tration of President Pierce, embracing all the 



15 



outraires inflicted on poor Kansas. Its candidate, 
Mr. Ijuclianan, stands flat-footed ujion it, as 
does Mr. Breckinridge, wlio, besides, is a slave- 
holder. Elect tiiesc men, standing on that plat- 
form, and you declare for slavery and against 
freedom. 

Mr. Chairman, the issue between the great 
political parties of the day is Slavery and Free- 
dom. Each occupies equal vantage-ground ; their 
leaders have been announced, and are in the field. 
TJie party of slavery has the flags of all the old 
parties. Buchanan brings the Black-cockade 
Federal i\i\g. Wise, Gushing, Toombs, and 
Benjamin, the Whig flag. Cass and Hunter, the 
Democratic flag. Ex-President Van Buren and 
his son John, the Free-Soil flag. Senator Adams, 
(of Mississippi,) the J^ative American flag. 
Pierce and Douglas, the .red flag of filliljustcr- 
ism. Atchison and Stringfellow, the black flag of 
slavery. With all these old flags the party as- 
sume the name of Democracy, and say that the 
Democratic party have swallowed all the old par- 
ties, and in reply to which I only have to say, 
the whale swallowed Jonah — Jonah was heard 
of afterwards — the whale never. It is fair to pre- 
!?ume that the Democratic party will not be heard 
of after the presidential election in November 
next. The slave party may. 

Why is it, Mr. Chairman, that the so-called 
Democratic party have taken upon themselves 
the right of calling the jmrty of freedom Black 
Republicans? Is it because the principles of that 
party harinonize with justice and humanity, and 
insist upon the elevation of human labor? Is 
it because the party of freedom maintains the 
union of the States, one and inseparable, now 
and forever, as the highest duty of the American 
people, to themselves, to posterity, and mankind? 
Is it because the party of freedom will course 
this country with railroads, improve her harbors 
and rivers, and whiten every ocean and sea with 
her commerce, to promote the interest and happi- 
ness of the people of these great States, and bind 
them together with bonds of interest and affection? 
Is it because the party of freedom loves tranquillity 
and prosperity, and opposes the extension of slave 
labor.jor putting it in competition with free white 
labor? Is it because the party of freedom desire 
to secure high wages for labor, which is the great 
agent for the prosperity and hajipiness of our 
country? Is it because the party of freedom op- 
posed the repeal of the Missouri compromise, 
which purported to be a perpetual league of friend- 
ship and amity-bctween the North and the South ? 
Is it because the party of fi-eedom is not ready to 
do the biddingof the slave power? Is it because the 

■ party of freedom is opposed to an aristocracy 
which consists of human bodies and souls, and 
feasts upon African slave labor? Is it because the 
party of friedom is opposed to the political power 
of the slaveholder in estimating one hundred slaves 
equal to sixty white men ? Is it because the party 
of freedom will not sustain the cursed acts of the 
bogus Legislature of Kansas, which blackens the 
character of American legislators? It cannot be; 
it is to be traced to some other cause. 

Then, was it because the party of freedom sub- 
mitted to the compromise measure of 1850, which 
was a bill alio wing the slaveholders of the South to 
command us of the North, under severe penalty, 
to catch their runaway slaves? This, no doubt, 
is the reason why the so-called Democratic party 



have taken upon themselves to call us Black Re- 
publicans. 

Mr. Chairman, it is only in the Republican 
platform that you find tile true elements of a 
ffovernmcnt of constitutional fniedom. In the 
South the entirety of the people are fast uniting 
to make a sectional contest of the next presiden- 
tial election, upon the jiro-alavery candidates and 
pro-slavery platform of the Democratic party. 
Even the old-line Wliigs are aiding Mr. Buch- 
anan, forgetful of the slanders heaped upon their 
great leader, Mr. Clay, when he lived — siandera 
charging that distinguishid man of having sold 
the vote of Kentucky to John Ciuincy Adams for 
the Presidency, for the paltry consideration of a 
seat in the Cabinet. This slander was originated 
by Mr. Buchanan — General Jackson gave him 
as the author of it— and yet these old-line 
Whigs are willing to blai-ken the mi'inory of Mr. 
Clay by voting for his traducers ! What does this 
unanimity amongst men in the South, forgetful 
of their past irreconcilable differences, fore- 
shadow? It tells the North, in plain, unmis- 
takable language, that the slavery inten.'St is a 
unit, and to repel its meditated aggression, the 
North must also be united. 

Mr. Chairman, No more Slave States, is my 
motto. Let that be the motto of every votary 
of freedom at the North. Let Kansas rather be 
of the things that were, but are not, rather than 
blast her prospects and blacken her history by 
subjecting her to the purposes of slavery. Let 
j not this demoralizing institution shutout Kansae 
jfrom the settlement of the free white man. Let 
j not the white man from the North, who emigrates 
with his family to Kansas, be subjected to the 
[ taunts and jests of an aristocracy wliich inculcates 
the idea that labor is only a drudgery fit to be 
done by slaves in obedience to the commands of 
i the lash and the driver. 1 tell you, sir, if you 
wish to retard the progress of the migiity empire, 
i omit to restrict slavery where the Missouri com- 
promise justly prohibited it. Then, sir, you give 
slavery a strong foothold on the western frontier. 
Barricading, as it will, the Territory back of it 
against the march of freedom, it will spread itself 
J — ay, sir, expand, until it has a controlling do- 
minion over the vast domain between the Mis- 
! sissippi and the Pacific. Experience teaches us 
this lesson; and I warn this Congress to look 
i well into the mutter. I warn the people to ponder 
well upon this subject, and to strike a decisive 
; blow for freedom ere it becom<'S too late. Let 
slavery keep the advantage, and obtain the vic- 
tory in this cont(Y5t, and before long it will want 
virtually to introduce slavery in the fri?e States. 
Already the right is claimed to hold them in our 
territory as long as they please, whilst pretending 
to be in transitu, how long will it be before other 
: and more startling pretensions are set up? 
! It hath been said, when bad men conspire, 
good men should combine. Let llie true freemen 
: of the North combine to stay the march of 
slavery. Let Fremont, Freedom, and Dayton, 
be the war-cry. With such a watch word upon 
! our banner, victory is sure to crown our efforts. 
' Let not the men of the North be deceived. In 
1854 they were told that the Kansas bill would 
make Nebraska and Kansas free. My own com- 
petitor for Congress, (William Dunbar, E.«q.,) in 
his published speech accepting the Democratic 
: nomination, used remarks which illustrate to 



LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 



16 



southern men how the Kansas bill was defended 
in the North. He said: 

" The territories of Kani^as and Nebraska being free, by 
the express provisions of tbis verj' bill, whenever a shive- 
holder voluntarily emigrates there witll his shives, so soon 
as tliey set their feet upon the soil of those free Territories, 
they beeonic as free as tlie air tliey breathe, and have as 
good a right to command their masters as tlieir masters 
have to command them. Tliey are free by the voluntary 
act of their masters ; and there is no law, human or divine, 
to reduce them again to a state of slavery." 

I am satisfied, Mr. Chairman, that my com- 
petitor believed all that he said. 1 have no idea 
that he made the declaration alluded to for effect 
only, and to delude the people of my district out 
of their votes. 

Mr. Cliairman, what a miserable delusion — the 
slaves would " have as ^ood a right to command 
their masters as tlieir masters have to command 
them!" Why, sir, if my honorable friend were 
to repeat that speech in Kansas, he would be 
hunted out of the Territory; he would not be 
allowed to vote, and would be placed in the cat- 
egory of llecder, Lane, and others, and very 
likely he would be hung. The slaves command 
their masters ! Why, sir, the masters not only 
drive the slaves in that Territory with the lash 
and whip, but they drive the freemen of the 
North out of the Territory who will not recog- 
nize their right to do so. This was what the 
Democratic party was preaching in the North in 
1854. But they could not delude the people, sir. 
They detormiued to have no more to do with a 
counterfeit^ Pierce and Douglas, Kansas and 
Nebraska, Buchanan and Breckinridge Democ- 
racy. Away with it ! hide its shame and its 
crimes forever. The Democracy can no longer 
deceive the people of the North with the cry of 
freedom, when they are planting the seeds of 
slavery. Too often has dissimulation been prac- 
ticed upon them, for them to become again the 
servile supporti.TS of a spurious Democracy. 

Mr. Chairman, already the hearts of the free- 
men in the free Slates are thundering against the 
present occupant of the White House, and have 
a writ of ejectment to obtain possession of it, the 
present tenant not having kept his covenants. 
They will put in a tenant that will be true to the 
great cause of freedom ! 

The northern people are pleased with the stand- 
ard bearers of the Republican party. They see in 
Colonel Fremont a man whose past life has been 
an unbroken line of meritorious service and 
praiseworthy distinction. In him are planted 
none of the insidious guiles of the professed 
politician. They see him coming from the hum- 
blest walks of life, shining a brilliant star in the 
military and scientific constellation of his coun- 
try, exploring that vast area of forests, deserts, 
and wilds between the Mississippi and the Pacific, 
and marking the path where man can find his 
way overland to the inviting El Dorado of the 
\Vest. They see him going through the most 
hairbreadth perils for science and his country. 
They see him loading a military force, and aiding 
in the recovery of a then foreign province to a 
free State. They see him then fighting his 
libelers, who, envious of his distinction, endeavor 
to drive him from the army. They see him 
proudly scorning a commission tendered to him 
to restor(! him to that service from which he had 
been so unjustly ejected. They see him then 



taking part in devel 

a country, towards , 

the United States J 016 089 329 1 < 

and aiding in preveniiiig winvei y ii,,,ii .„..._, 

duced within her limits. They then see him in 
the Senate as one of her two first Senators, labor- 
ing assiduously to promote her interests. They 
then see him retired to private life, and but re- 
turning now to politics in response to the unan- 
imous voice of the Republican party calling him 
forth from his retirement to take the highest 
place in the gift of the people. They see him a 
glorious apostle in the cause of freedom; and as 
the representative of that cause they will place 
him in the high position for which ho has been 
named. As to William L. Dayton, they have 
only to recollect his career in the Senate — a 
career devoted entirely to the cause of freedom 
— as eloquent as the most eloquent anioh'gst the 
orators of that body; an honest man, a dignified 
statesman, and an earnest anti-slaveryite. 

But why, Mr. Chairinan, should I speak of men 
in this contest ? Like General Washington, who 
said, when going up to the polls for the last time 
in his brilliant life, " I vote for measures, not 
men," so do the Republicans of the country in 
the next contest vote for measures, not men. 
Men are mortal; principles are eternal. The one 
springeth up to-day, and is cut down to-morrow; 
but the great principle of freedom, for which 
the Republicans are fighting, is as eternal as 
Heaven itself. Freedom is that great element in 
the value of which nature makelh the boy to feel 
before he hath yet reached midway his road to a 
majority. Freedom is what infused our revolu- 
tionary fathers, and caused them to shake off the 
dominion of a foreign and tyrannical power. 
Freedom is the Archimedean lever which has 
moved every popular outbreak crying for liberty, 
and causing kings to tremble on their thrones. 
It was freedom which moved the free-State men 
of Kansas to meet at Topeka to form a Slate con- 
stitution. It is thatfreedom for which the Repub- 
licans are now warring, and which will enable 
them, beating down all opposition, to march tri- 
umphantly to power and glory in our next presi- 
dential contest. Yes, with that freedom, and 
FreiTiont and Dayton emblazoned on the ample 
folds of our national banner, we will drive the 
base minions of slavery from their control of the 
Government, and we will use its powers to build 
up our new country, free from the taints of sla- 
very, and make America worthy of being the 
north star of freedom, by which the eye of the 
exile can be guided with safety to the asylum of 
liberty. Let the giant heel of freedom be placed 
upon the neck of tlie serpent of slavery, and avert, 
by its genial and healthy influence, the miseries 
and injuries which would arise from the sanction 
of human bondage in what is now free territory. 
Then indeed we can appropriately say, 

" Thou, too, sail on, O ship of State! 
Sail on, O Union, strong and great: 
Humanity, with all its fears, 
^Vith all the hope of future years, 
Is hanging breathless on thy fat(!. 
We know what masters laid thy keel, 
What workmen wrought thy rii)s of steel ; 
Who made each mast, and sail, and rope. 
What anvils rang, what liaimners beat, 
In what a forse, and what a heat, 
Were shaped the anchors of thy hope." 



LIBRARY OF ( 




016 08 




LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

I "!' Ill ' 1 



016 089 329 1 




